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34. Hosea Ballou 2nd,  Dogmatic and Religious History of Universalism in America,
Universalist Quarterly Review 5 (Jan. 1848), 81.
35. Richard Eddy, Universalism in America (Boston, 1886), 1:106 109; Chestnut,  The
Universalist Movement, 14.
36. Wayne Clymer,  The Life and Thought of James Relly, Church History 11
(1942), 193 216.
37. James Relly, Union; or, A Treatise on the Consanguinity and Affinity between
Christ and His Church (London, 1759; first American ed., Boston, 1779).
38. Abel Thomas, A Century of Universalism (Philadelphia, 1872), 258 260.
39. Miller, The Larger Hope, 1:21.
40. Chestnut,  The Universalist Movement, 20.
41. Ibid., 22 26.
42. Miller, The Larger Hope, 1:35.
43. Elhanan Winchester, The Universal Restoration, Exhibited in Four Dialogues
between a Minister and His Friend (Philadelphia, 1843), XV. Sir George Stonhouse [Sir
James Stonhouse] first published this work as Universal Restitution (London, 1761).
44. Miller, The Larger Hope, 1:39.
45. Chestnut,  The Universalist Movement, 57.
46. Ballou 2nd,  Dogmatic and Religious History, 96.
47. Chestnut states that eighteenth-century Calvinists embraced the idea that Christ
died for all men, thus all were capable of accepting or rejecting salvation ( The Uni-
versalist Movement, 141 144); Miller, The Larger Hope, 43.
48. Ballou 2nd,  Dogmatic and Religious History, 99.
49. Chestnut,  The Universalist Movement, 146 147.
50. Cassara, Universalism in America, 14.
51. Eddy, Universalism in America, 143 144, 217 218.
52. Joseph Huntingdon, Calvinism Improved (New London, Conn., 1796), 59. Hun-
tingdon wrote that faith provided assurance and enjoyment of the fact of salvation,  but
faith does not create the benefit, or change the divine purpose, or make any alteration
in the previous certainty of anything in the universe (59). Huntingdon s entire belief
rested on human dependence on God.  If I recede in the least from this idea, he
confessed,  I fall into complete atheism (74). Nathaniel Stacy, an early preacher of
universal salvation, contended that the sovereignty of God meant  his ability to accom-
plish his will, to do his pleasure and purposes in spite of all opposition. Memoirs of the
Life of Nathaniel Stacy (Columbus, Pa., 1850), 472 473.
53. Stephen Marini,  The Origins of New England Universalism: Daughter of the
Notes to Pages 17 19 157
New Light, Journal of Unitarian Universalist History 24, (1997), 31 63. Marini notes
that Edwards  strove mightily to fuse the tenets of predestination, election, and limited
atonement  to the inherently subjective experience of the New Birth, but:
Separate Baptists practiced a style of homiletical and theological expression no-
table for its rejection of the Enlightenment philosophical methodologies em-
ployed by Edwards and the New Divinity. Instead, Separate Baptists approached
doctrinal questions through a biblical hermeneutic informed by their spiritual
experience of the New Birth. They bequeathed that hermeneutic to rural Uni-
versalists, the great majority of whom were Separate Baptist converts. (69)
54. Ibid., 70 71.
55. Ibid., 70. Marini cogently states his disagreement with Peter Hughes s claim that
 early Universalists eschewed tendentious systematic doctrinal disputes and instead em-
ployed independent-minded  common sense to discover universal salvation. See
Hughes,  The Origins of New England Universalism: A Religion without a Founder,
Journal of Unitarian Universalist History 24 (1997), 64 75.
56. Eddy, Universalism in America, 167, 258 259, 265, 353. Shippie Townsend an-
swered criticism from Samuel Mather in Some Remarks on a Pamphlet Intitled All Men
Will Not Be Saved for Ever (Boston, 1783).
57. William McLoughlin, New England Dissent, 1630 1833 (Cambridge, 1971), 721
722.
58. Guelzo, Edwards on the Will, 141.
59. Huntingdon, Calvinism Improved, 78 82.
60. Ibid., 83.
61. Chestnut,  The Universalist Movement, 121. Even Chauncy professed a some-
what attenuated belief in original sin. See H. Shelton Smith, Changing Conceptions of
Original Sin (New York, 1955), 37 59.
62. Huntingdon, Calvinism Improved, 111 112. Eighteenth-century Universalists had
some difficulty explaining how God could be both sovereign and admit sin into the
world. Huntingdon, for instance, could not admit that an all-powerful God was respon- [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]

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